How can Musk thwart the MAGA agenda?

Elon Musk arguably played a bigger role in electing Donald Trump as president than anyone other than Trump himself. The tech giant spent more than a quarter of a billion dollars on election efforts. He bought Twitter, making it hospitable to conservative ideas and reinstating Trump’s account after it was banned in the wake of the Capitol riot on January 6, 2021. He made it socially safe for business leaders to publicly support the former president. He has used his platform and influence to shamelessly criticize “wokeness.”

But while Musk was one of the best things to happen to the Trump campaign, he may end up being one of the worst things to happen to the incoming Trump administration.

Placing too much trust in Musk could repeat a major mistake Trump made in his first term. In 2016, Trump made the mistake of giving too much influence to advisers who lacked enthusiasm for realizing MAGA aspirations. This included his daughter Ivanka and son-in-law Jared Kushner, who brought with them liberal New York politics and a strong desire to remain popular in their elite personal circle. They marginalized disciplined MAGA supporters in the White House, undermined the administration’s resolve on immigration, and pushed Trump to pass the First Step Act, which released 30,000 convicted felons from prison.

Trump faces a similar risk with Musk, who has done his best to be Trump’s shadow since November 5.

Trump handing over leadership of the Department of Government Efficiency to Musk is not a superficial token of appreciation for Musk’s support. He’s not sending Musk to be an ambassador to a remote island. Instead, the Tesla founder will have office space in the White House complex. He would be able to combine his direct access to the president and the executive branch with his personal influence over politicians across the country.

Why might Musk be a bad bet?

The answer is simple: Musk is not a MAGA Republican.

Musk described himself as a “liberal” in late 2022. He turned his back on Trump once in 2017; He agreed to join an advisory board during the president’s first term in the White House, then left after the president withdrew the country from the Paris climate accords. He courted Barack Obama when it served his interests and “strongly supported” Obama for president.

Restructuring the country’s immigration system — which includes securing the border and carrying out mass deportations — was the most significant mandate given to Trump in November. Voters concerned that mass immigration is driving down wages and taking jobs from American workers flocked to the polls to vote for Trump.

Musk’s recent comments suggest he may not be fully on board with Trump’s immigration agenda. Co-Chairman Musk and DOGE Vivek Ramaswamy has sparked outrage among the MAGA base for their support of H-1B visas. The traditional justification for this program is that it allows companies to bring skilled immigrants to the United States to work.

Critics of the program, including Steve Bannon and Sen. Bernie Sanders (R-Vermont), oppose the H-1B program on the grounds that it displaces skilled American workers from the labor market, discourages domestic workers from seeking higher skills, and hurts wages by making it easier to hire workers. Less expensive than other countries. They point to a statistic that 76% of engineers in Silicon Valley are not American. 60% of voters agree with Bannon and Sanders. Moreover, the H-1B program has enriched the technical few at the expense of the American worker. Musk is at the forefront of beneficiaries.

Trump tried to restrict H-1B visas during his first term. But now he’s siding with Musk on the issue, insisting he fully supports the H-1B program, putting himself at odds with many voters who rallied with him and placed their trust in him in 2016 and again in 2024.

Musk is showing signs that he intends to use his platform in Trump’s orbit to expand his power around the world, as if he were co-chair and more of a co-chair of the DOGE. Musk has unleashed on Musk sparked new controversy over this issue days before the inauguration, which sparked negative reactions from the British government.

Does Trump need the richest man in the world, sitting down the hall from the Oval Office, threatening to interfere in the politics of America’s closest ally? It’s one thing to do this when you’re the richest man and don’t have an office in the White House. What if Musk involved himself in national and international economic policy? What will happen when Musk’s electric vehicle and climate policy agenda collides with MAGA’s agenda to revive US oil and gas production and exports and revise the global framework for addressing climate issues?

Clearly, Republican members of Congress are aware of the power Musk now has. Many members meet the billionaire regularly and publicly praise him, with one even calling him “our Prime Minister” on national television.

None of this is to say that Musk can’t have a positive impact on a second Trump administration. He has some eventual plans through DOGE to cut government spending — an urgent priority for the MAGA platform. In addition, the X will serve as a valuable microphone for the new president and his supporters.

Americans want action this time, and in many ways, Trump’s expectations are much higher now than they were in 2017. Musk is certainly not the only potential danger in Trump’s new term. However, it is emblematic of one of his worst mistakes in the first Trump administration: by trusting “former” liberals to help formulate and implement policy, Trump abdicated political capital. Now he faces the same risk as Musk pushing politics to the left or creating controversies that could divide or distract Republicans.

Christine Tate A Boston-based political writer and the author of three books, most recently “The Liberal Invasion of America’s Red State.”“She is an on-air contributor to Sky News and a columnist for the Boston Herald.